บล็อกนี้เป็นเพียงช่องทางรวบรวมข้อมูลข่าวสารจากที่ต่างๆ ผู้จัดทำไม่ได้มีเจตนาบิดเบือนข้อมูลข่าวสารหรือต้องการให้ร้าย องกรณ์ หน่วยงานและบุคคลใดๆทั้งสิ้น+++++ หากบทความใดผิดพลาดหรือกระทบต่อ องกรณ์ หน่วยงาน หรือบุคคลใด ผู้จัดทำก็กราบขออภัยไว้ล่วงหน้า +++++ ผู้อ่านท่านใดมีข้อมูลหักล้าง ชี้แนะ หรือมีความเห็นใดๆเพิ่มเติมก็ขอความกรุณาแสดงความเห็นเพื่อให้เป็นความรู้สำหรับผู้อ่านท่านต่อๆไปได้ตามแต่จะเห็นสมควร ------------- ขอขอบคุณเจ้าของบทความทุกๆท่านมา ณ. ที่นี้ด้วยครับ *******ช.ช้าง *******

วันพฤหัสบดีที่ 18 สิงหาคม พ.ศ. 2554

ฮุนเซน คิดเช่นไรกับรัฐบาลอภิสิทธิ์ในเรื่องพระวิหาร



Summary: The diplomatic spat between Cambodia and Thailand took center stage during the Ambassador's meeting with Prime Minister Hun Sen November 8. Hun Sen confirmed that former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra would arrive in Cambodia on November 10 and would deliver a speech to Cambodian officials at the Ministry of Economy and Finance on November 12. He also confirmed that, aside from the diplomatic friction, tensions were low and military commanders remained cooperative at the border, and that he would continue to monitor Thailand's reaction and would respond in kind to each diplomatic downgrade that the Abhisit government initiated. We expect Hun Sen will now shift largely from an offensive to a defensive position. He is of course hopeful that the Thai will refrain from taking precipitous actions, but he is prepared to match any Thai action with a Cambodian reaction. In that context, Hun Sen will likely be both confident and relaxed during the upcoming Singapore meetings, amenable to suggestions that a de-escalation of rhetoric and a re-engagement between Cambodia and Thailand is in the best interests of the region as well as the parties. End summary.

¶2. (C) In raising this issue during a meeting previously scheduled to discuss a broad range of other issues (septel), the Ambassador reaffirmed that both Cambodia and Thailand should work to reduce political tensions and to refrain from acts that could be considered provocative. Hun Sen replied that military cooperation was proceeding very well at the border ) "there is no chaos," he explained, and "things remain very quiet." He also said there is no need "to keep so much force there" and confirmed press reports that he had ordered the 911 Brigade paratrooper unit be recalled to Phnom Penh and that he would do his best to ensure that Thai and Cambodian commanders continued to cooperate and avoid any military confrontation. If the situation remained calm, Hun Sen added he would also recall Division 1, which would reduce the Cambodian military presence at the border to normal, pre-July 2008, levels. Hun Sen reiterated that he wanted to "build up mutual trust between the armies," and that he hoped that Thai military commanders would continue to cooperate and work to "reduce tensions.

¶3. (C) Hun Sen underscored that Thaksin would travel to Cambodia from "another ASEAN country," but that "the Thai don't care" about the purported double standard that has led the Thai government to criticize Hun Sen so publicly while ignoring Thaksin's presence elsewhere in the region. (Note: Hun Sen did not cite the name of the country where Thaksin was reportedly currently residing. End Note.). "Whether Thaksin comes or not," Hun Sen explained, it remains the "business of Cambodia" to engage him as an economic adviser during the current economic downturn. Hun Sen confirmed what he has said publicly: that the RGC would not "accept" any extradition request from Thailand as this case was "purely political" and the Thai-Cambodian extradition agreement was based on customary international law that clearly allowed extraditions to be rejected based on political context. And although he said he expected the Thai government to deliver a "letter of extradition," he said that the RGC had already prepared a reply rejecting the request.

¶4. (C) Because military relations at the border remained cooperative, Hun Sen said that the principal conflict with Thailand was diplomatic and that the public pronouncements from various Thai officials to downgrade diplomatic relations between Thailand and Cambodia reflected "internal confusion" within the Thai government. After Thaksin's arrival, Hun Sen said he would simply monitor the Thai reaction day by day. "There are many in the Thai government who are not acting under orders of the Thai Prime Minister," Hun Sen stated, pointing to the example of the Thai army, which "had to obstruct the yellow shirt protesters" sent from Bangkok from reaching Preah Vihear on September 19. In fact, Hun Sen averred that the Thai business interests in Sisaket Province were "already complaining" and would suffer most if Thailand prolonged and exacerbated the diplomatic dispute by closing the border with Cambodia in a "frenzied reaction" to Thaksin's visit. He added that the RGC had already sent a message to Bangkok that it was indeed the right of Thailand to close the border but, unlike in 2003 when the Thais PHNOM PENH 00000832 002 OF 003 allowed goods to continue to cross, he would respond by directing that Thai goods would also be barred from crossing into Cambodia if Thailand did so.

¶5. (C) Again referring to perceived dissension among key leaders of the current Thai government, Hun Sen claimed that "not everyone is on good terms" and that Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban and Minister of National Defense General Prawit Wongsuwan did not agree with Prime Minister Abhisit and Foreign Minister Kasit on this issue. "I met with them here," Hun Sen noted, and "spent three hours with them in Hua Hin" on October 23, where their lack of support for the direction of the current Thai government was clear. Moreover, Hun Sen said that he had been contacted by unspecified Thai Senators and other members of the government to begin the work of diplomatic "remediation."

¶6. (C) As previewed by the Prime Minister, Thaksin's private commercial charter arrived at the military side of Phnom Penh's airport at about 9:30 a.m. on November 10, originating from Mumbai. Although local and international press viewed the arrival from a distance, Ministry spokespersons were guarded in their comments about the visit. Thaksin's car entered a motorcade secured by Hun Sen's bodyguard unit and departed for a lunch at Hun Sen's residence in Takhmao, south of the capital. At the end of the day, MFA spokesman Koy Kuong told reporters that no Thai request for extradition had yet been officially received, although others report that an extradition request from the Thai government has been already transmitted. Thaksin is reported to be staying in a villa close to the Cambodian Peoples Party headquarters not far from the Royal Thai embassy. Unconfirmed reports indicated that Thaksin is scheduled to depart Cambodia on November 13. Separately, in response to the Ambassador's inquiry during a meeting November 10, Commerce Minister Cham Prasidh commented that he was very familiar with the popularity polls recently conducted in Thailand and did not think they were the least bit credible. He added that he thought nothing Thaksin did or said in Cambodia would have much effect on the domestic situation in Thailand.

¶7. (C) Comment: Hun Sen remained thoughtful and calm throughout his discussion with the Ambassador, and there was no hint of the provocative rhetoric that he sometimes displays in public or private. In the weeks since Hun Sen's October 23 announcement that he would appoint Thaksin as an adviser, he has been most concerned about increases in border military activity; he now seemed pleased with the extent of military cooperation and believes that his decision to reduce the number of troops will contribute to continued cooperation. With that in place, Hun Sen has now turned his attention to the diplomatic front and seemed focused predominantly on how much and how quickly the Thai would erode diplomatic relations in what he believes is an effort to attract public support for a regime that can command long term support of neither the military nor a majority of the people. While it remains to be seen whether he has miscalculated in that assessment, it is apparent that he has received indications from some Thai officials that he has not. But, more importantly, none of that seems to matter much to the Prime Minister. Hun Sen has clearly calculated that whatever diplomatic downgrades are initiated by the Abhisit government do not outweigh the benefits that Hun Sen's friendship and support to Thaksin could provide to Cambodia both now and in the future. He seemed similarly uninterested in ASEAN or international reaction to the spat and did not directly respond to the Ambassador's inquiry about the message he intended to send to ASEAN or the international community about his actions.

¶8. (C) As much of the press and other reporting has suggested, Hun Sen's motivations are best described as personal political moves designed to attract perceived benefits to himself and Cambodia and to disarm his foes in the current Thai government. As this continues to play out, we expect Hun Sen will shift largely from an offensive to a defensive position. He is of course hopeful that the Thai will refrain from taking precipitous actions, but he is prepared to match any Thai action with a Cambodian reaction every step of the way, as he has done with the reciprocal recall of Ambassadors. In the meantime, we expect the U.S. and others will find a confident and relaxed Hun Sen during PHNOM PENH 00000832 003 OF 003 the upcoming Singapore meetings amenable to suggestions that a de-escalation of rhetoric and a re-engagement between Cambodia and Thailand is in the best interests of the region as well as the parties themselves. End Comment.

ทักษิณ - ฮุนเซน กับ อเมริกา..ว่าไงกันเรื่องน้ำมัน

Summary. In the latest of a series of trade and investment related visits to Cambodia, a delegation from the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council met May 9 with senior Cambodian government (RGC) officials, including the Ministers of Commerce, Finance and Health. ConocoPhillips representatives urged the RGC to resolve the dispute with Thailand on the Overlapping Claims Area in the Gulf of Thailand. RGC officials believed resolution would have to await elections and a new Thai government. The Ambassador and the head of the Council's delegation, Frances Zwenig, urged Cambodia to sign the bilateral debt agreement. The U.S.-ASEAN Business Council's visit was another step toward greater American commercial involvement in Cambodia and another indication of the growing interest of U.S. business firms in establishing a presence here.

¶2. (U) Building on the success of the first U.S.-Cambodia meeting under the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement and the April visit of a business mission of American firms based in the region (Refs), the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council met with senior Cambodian government (RGC) officials on May 9 to explore opportunities for trade and investment. Led by Frances Zwenig, Counselor of the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council, the delegation consisted of representatives of ConocoPhillips Petroleum, Oracle, General Electric (GE), FedEx and ITT Defense. They met with former Ambassador to the U.S. Roland Eng and Minister of Transport and Public Works Sun Chanthol, the Ambassador, and had office calls on Minister of Post and Telecommunications So Khun, Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh, Finance Minister Keat Chhon, Health Minister Nuth Sokhom and MFA Secretary of State Kao Kim Hourn.

¶3. (SBU) In each of the meetings, the ConocoPhillips representatives urged the RGC to resolve the dispute with Thailand over the Overlapping Claims Area in the Gulf of Thailand. Noting that their firm has held a contract for exploitation of the area for nearly ten years, they asked that enthusiasm for Chevron's petroleum discovery not be allowed to lessen the urgency of resolving the dispute. Kao Kim Hourn told them that the two governments had come very close to settling the dispute just prior to the fall of the Thaksin government in Thailand. He said they had agreed on a formula for dividing the revenue: 80% for Thailand and 20% for Cambodia in the tier nearest Thailand, 50%-50% in the middle and 20% for Thailand and 80% for Cambodia in the area closest to Cambodia. He thought that an additional six months of negotiations would have settled the matter. However, in Thailand's current disarray, he said, there could be no resolution until after Thailand's elections and the formation of a new government. Other interlocutors, including Cham Prasidh and Keat Chhon, agreed that nothing could be accomplished until a new government was formed in Thailand.

¶4. (U) GE announced to the Health Minister that it would open an office in Phnom Penh in the coming months. The office would focus on the sales and repair of diagnostic equipment in the health field. The GE representatives briefed the Minister on GE's program to sell refurbished equipment in developing countries and asked that Cambodia consider participating. They noted that GE's office could be used as a launching point for GE in other sectors in which GE is involved, such as energy.

¶5. (U) FedEx expressed appreciation to the Minister of Post and Telecommunications for his flexibility in compromising on regulations governing the courier service industry. The revisions accepted by the Ministry had allowed the courier service industry to remain operational in Cambodia. The firms in the industry have all registered, they said, and were functioning without problems. The FedEx representatives also thanked Commerce Minister Cham Prasidh for his role in convincing Minister So Khun to compromise.

¶6. (U) Showing signs that he was still recovering from a heart procedure that he underwent in Paris in April, Prasidh provided the delegation with an overview of the trade and investment climate in Cambodia. Reviewing the establishment of the garment industry, Prasidh stressed the need for Cambodia to outperform its neighbors in order to remain competitive. He explained the private sector forum that PHNOM PENH 00000668 002.2 OF 002 brought the private sector together with government in order to resolve policies and problems that inhibited business. In response to a suggestion that Cambodia could use the latest technology to computerize its "One Stop" investment service, Prasidh said that other ASEANs were more technically advanced than Cambodia. At best, Cambodia could become a model for the second tier of developing countries in ASEAN like Laos and Burma.

¶7. (SBU) Frances Zwenig asked Finance Minister Keat Chhon for an update on the status of negotiations on the bilateral debt. The Ambassador urged Keat Chhon to move forward and accept the agreement as it now stood. Further discussions were unlikely to get Cambodia a better deal. Keat Chhon responded that the RGC had been considering sending a team to Washington or inviting the USG to have a team visit from Washington.

¶8. (U) Comment: Coming on the heels of the successful first TIFA meeting in February and the American Business Mission in April, the visit of the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council was another step forward toward greater U.S. commercial involvement in Cambodia. It was also another indication of the growing U.S. business interest in Cambodia. Increasing numbers of American firms are beginning to sense that Cambodia has real potential.


เส้น เขตแดนทางทะเลของเขมร(สีนำ้เงิน)ของไทย(สีแดง) ขอจงเข้าใจง่ายๆว่า เส้นสีแดง=รั้วของประเทศเรา พื้นที่ด้านซ้ายหลังรั้วมาจนถึงประเทศเราก็คือสนามหน้าบ้านเรา ดินแดนเราก็คือบ้านของเรา ดังนั้นทรัพยากรทั้งหมดที่อยู่ตั้งแต่บริเวณรั้ว สนามหน้าบ้าน และในบ้านเรา คือ ของเราทั้งสิ้น เส้นของเขมรจอมปลอมขึ้นมาเอง ตัดผ่าเกาะกูดของไทยไปตั้งครึ่งค่อนเกาะได้เช่นไร?

เขต พื้นที่สัมปทานพลังงาน ของไทยใช้ ฺB5-11อ้างอิงตั้งแต่2511 ของเขมรใช้ I - IV(1-4)เพิ่งอ้างอิงเมื่อ2540 (ก่อนMOU43 2ปีกว่า) ดูเหมือนจะทับซ้อน! หากต่างคนต่างให้สัมปทานแก่บ.น้ำมันของใครของมัน แต่ที่ไหนได้ บ.น้ำมันทุกเจ้าต่างเป็นบ.ลูกบ.หลาน ของบ.แม่คนเดียวกัน ที่ชื่อ Standard ของ USA เช่นนี้แล้ว ควรเรียกว่า เขตร่วมลงทุนของฮุนเซน กับ คนในรัฐบาลไทยมากกว่านะผมว่า ส่วนพวกเราประชาชนคงไม่ได้เอี่ยวตามฟอร์ม ใช้มันไปเถอะลิตรละ40-50บาท แทนที่จะถูกลงไปลิตรละ 12-15บาท ไม่โวยกันก้ไม่รู้จะว่าไงแล้ว?

พื้นที่ทางทะเลของเขมรเอง

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